Showing posts with label HST150: The Worlds of Early Modern Europe. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HST150: The Worlds of Early Modern Europe. Show all posts

Saturday, November 8, 2014

The Social Significance of Food



Early modern Europe saw many things changing from the way that the world was anciently.  The politics, religion, and even the commonly known size of the world were all changing.  Through these changes, social stations and perceptions were also in a state of flux.  The identity of the person and the sociality with which they garnered and surrounded themself was changing to accommodate the growing population and size of the world.  In the midst of all this change, there was a driving force that was wielded by both rich and poor, good and evil.  Food.  This essay shall examine and discuss the social significance that food had in this early modern European world, and the ways in which it was used; as a weapon, as a currency, as a means to promote invention and advancement, as a symbol and as a medium for disease. 

Food has been an essential part of man’s life from time unmemorable.  It is one of the largest driving forces behind man.  Filtered down through the eons to the early modern world of Europe it is obvious that man had discovered that food could be used as a tool or weapon, and one that is most devastating when used ‘correctly’ on a mass scale.  This was iterated quite simply by Maxim Litvinov when he said “Food is a weapon”[1] in regards to the 1933 famine in Soviet occupied Ukraine.  On this same subject, Inky Mark stated that “…as many as 7 million were starved [by] Stalin’s artificial famine…”[2]  This concept of using the supply of food as a weapon is not a new one, as the idea of laying siege to a town and cutting off their supplies has been documented from some of the earliest texts and inscriptions existing, such as the Bible, Egyptian records like the Merneptah Stele, and the Lachish Relief.  The ruling classes of Europe would have been no different, and through the increasing of taxes in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries likely contributed to the famines that were taking place across Europe.

The other side of the coin to a rise in taxes contributing to a famine is that it encourages and breeds invention and progress out of necessity.  Since the peasants were trying to produce enough crop to both sustain themselves, as well as to sell for money to pay the new taxes, there logically had to be improvements to the agriculture industry as in its current form, it was impossible for them to achieve.  With this necessity, the heavy plough was brought about and began seeing more use[3].  This allowed for faster and more efficient planting, which in turn equated to a larger and more productive crop.  The farmers were then able to have food for themselves as well as sell some of this crop to pay their taxes, and thus stave off the rich landowners for another season. 

Before the invention of the plough however, the life expectancy of people in Europe was not great.  This can be attributed in part to the large amount of fallacies, religious practices and beliefs, and commonly accepted superstitions of the day[4].   These beliefs probably came about simply in the manner that Nugent and Clark describe; ‘life sustaining nourishment is so important to every human society that food inevitably becomes a powerful cultural symbol’[5].  In fact, the need and want of food due to the famines coupled with the spiritual beliefs and symbolism of the early modern period in Scotland played a part in the witch-hunts of that era.  Larner found that there was a common theme running throughout the accused witches that they were promised by the devil that they would never want, and this in turn conveys the idea that to the lower-class people of early modern Europe, the ability to have food instead of hunger was more important than riches, to the point of enlisting the help of the devil[6].  Further in the symbolic nature of food relating to religion, bread and wine were very highly regarded commodities, as they were used for Communion to represent the body and blood of Christ, and as such were regarded as not only food for the body, but food for the soul[7].

Continuing with the symbology and the misguided superstitions relating to food, there was an idea of social class transference through the eating of certain food types prevalent at this time as well.  There was the conception that a food source that was considered crude or gross was associated by nature with the poor peasant class, and that the consumption of this food by people of a higher station would result in the undesirable aspects of the peasant class transferring to those of the higher class that ate it.  The opposite was also the same, but originating from the same upper class.  The fear was that if the poor were to consume the higher stationed food, the aspects of power and wealth would transfer down to the peasantry.  This had the wealthy afraid of being infected with the aspects of the poor, but also gave rise to the saying, ‘you are what you eat’, originally meaning both the station you held in life, and the possibility of gaining attributes of another class through the consumption of their food[8]

At the beginning of the fourteenth century there was an universal problem with malnutrition and an overall weakness in people due to the stress on the body that it caused[9].  This, coupled with the hygiene levels and living standards of the people, created perfect conditions for pestilence and disease to breed and take hold of the population on a mass scale.  This plague moved across Europe in the mid-1300’s quite quickly and left death and devastation in its wake[10].  There were some areas of Europe that did not feel the effects of this devastating plague as strongly as others, and Montanari speculates that it could have been due to a number of reasons, such as the amount of grazing animals, or the proximity to the coastline and its supply of fat and protein rich fish for the populace[11]. 

Food has always carried with it a certain social status-defining attribute[12].  The different social class of people was also determinable by the food that was available for consumption to a given person.  The rich and ‘affluent’ higher class were able to enjoy large portions of meats, grains, and confections, while the poor made due with breads and soups[13].  There was a common perception that grains, in particularly those that were made into breads, were the best and most desirable of the food staples.  There was a hierarchy to the types of bread that was associated with the class and station of the person as well.  The white bread was for the wealthy upper class, mixed bread for the middle class, and the dark rough bread for the poor[14].  The reason for the darker barley and legume bread going to the poor was that they were unable to afford the better-quality breads and that they would be able to digest this rougher stuff easier as the poor are more hearty from constant work and know no better[15]. 

With the richer classes deciding that meat was the food of choice for them, and because they usually held ownership of the land, the concept of hunting rights was developed in the thirteen- and fourteen hundreds in Europe, which further delineated the divide of classes through food, and ensured that the rich would have plenty of meat[16].  This is after all of the changes that had occurred in the way that animal farming was viewed, and with the onset of people eating pigs and even sheep, which was regarded as food for only someone that had no taste[17]. 

It can be concluded that food, whilst sometimes scarce, sometimes manipulated, and even sometimes misrepresented by popular beliefs, has always had an influential impact on man and the way that he shapes his society.  The politics, religion, and the size of the communities that were able to be sustained were changing, growing, and becoming more complex and food, and the way that it was used socially, had a very large hand in the shaping of this new early modern European world.   From the controlled famine by the onset of military sieges or monetary destitution by way of increased taxes, to the desire of having food and staving off hunger driving innovation and invention, food held its social significance through it all. 











Bibliography

Albala, K.  (2002).  ‘Food and Class’, Eating Right In The Renaissance.  University of California Press, Berkeley.   pg. 184-199. 

Baker, N.  (2011).  ‘Lecture 7:  Building Renaissance Europe’, HST150, SP4, Macquarie University.

Barrow, L.  (2011).  ‘Notes on Food’, Week 4, HST150, SP4, Macquarie University. 

‘Famine – Genocide in the Ukraine 1932-1933’.  http://www.faminegenocide.com/resources/quotes.html  (2004-2008).  Accessed on 30 Dec, 2011.

Montanari, M.  (1994).  ‘To Each His Own’, The Culture of Food.  Blackwell, Oxford.  pg. 68-97.

Nungent, J. and Clark, M.  (2010).  ‘A Loaded Plate: Food Symbolism and the Early Modern Scottish Household’.  Journal of Scottish Historical Studies.  Vol 30, No 1, pg. 43-63. 



[2] Ibid
[3] Baker, Lecture 7
[4] Montanari, To Each His Own, pg. 78-80
[5] Nugent & Clark, A Loaded Plate, pg. 43
[6] Nugent & Clark, A Loaded Plate, pg. 44
[7] Barrow, Notes on Food, Week 4, HST150, SP4 2011
[8] Albala,
[9] Montanari, To Each His Own, pg. 70-71
[10] Ibid
[11] Ibid
[12] Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance, pg. 184
[13] Barrow, Notes on Food, Week 4, HST150, SP4 2011
[14] Ibid
[15] Ibid
[16] Montanari, To Each His Own, pg. 77
[17] Ibid, pg. 71-77

Why was witchcraft a crime in early modern Europe?



Witchcraft in one form or another has been a part of human existence throughout recorded history.  There is mention of sorcerers and soothsayers in the Bible and other ancient works.  However, in the time of early modern Europe, something changed which made witchcraft intolerable, and as a consequence, also illegal.  This essay will examine historical scholars’ viewpoints and research with the aim of discovering why witchcraft became so widely persecuted and illegal in early modern Europe, specifically from the time of the thirteen-hundreds to the seventeen-hundreds. 

It is a commonly accepted fact among historians and anthropologists that witchcraft existed throughout nearly all pre-modern societies, and that there was some efforts made to control those witches that sought to use magic to do evil deeds, or maleficia.[1]  These efforts do not appear to have ever reached the scale or extent of open persecution that they did throughout the few hundred year period between the late thirteen-hundreds and early seventeen-hundreds.  There are a few different reasons offered by modern scholarship as to what the cause of this dramatic increase in persecution of witchcraft  was, such as weather, gender, and politics, but they all appear to agree mostly on one origin for these reasons; the Catholic church. 

While witches were an accepted part of society, and believed to have ‘supernatural powers’, it wasn’t until around 1380 that there was a shift in the powers attributed to a witch, namely that they were proclaimed to have the power to affect the weather.[2]  These types of claims were only then beginning to be recognised by the Christian ecclesiastical authorities, and started to make their way into prominent inquisitorial trials.  It is also around this time that what Behringer refers to as The Little Ice Age was beginning to occur.[3]  This was a climatic deterioration that the populace of early modern Europe had no explanation for, and that devastated many crops by changing the seasons to a longer, colder winter and a shorter, wetter summer.  Behringer goes on to say that due to this significant and, seemingly at the time, unexplainable environmental change, the need for a scapegoat found purchase in witchcraft.  While Behringer’s position does make sense, and quite possibly contributed to the beginnings of the persecution of witches, it does not reason that the weather would be the sole cause for the massive-scale persecutions of witches that followed.  However, he does also make the point that in the 1480s, the Church accepted the belief that witches could alter the weather.[4]

Another reason that witchcraft came under the intense persecution at this time was because of the shifts in what the traditional culture believed.  A study done by Richard Kieckhefer shows that there was a shift in the nature of witch persecution in 1500 by the learned onto the traditional culture which believed in witches, witchcraft, magic and sorcery.[5]  This shift is believed to have come about through a substitution of diabolism for sorcery in the prevailing orthodoxy, and thus took away the independent person’s powers over rituals and potions and replaced it with a supernatural being, in this instance the devil, as the central agent in magic.[6]  Thus the Church began defining witchcraft and magic as something that was contrary to God, as it had the devil at its core.  These ideas were pressed and fleshed out further by the educated Christian theologians, canon lawyers, and officials, ensuring that the demonological component was added to the concept of witchcraft so that it was clear that the essence of witchcraft was making a pack with the devil which required the witch to do the devils bidding.[7]  This line of reasoning, that the Church was redefining the belief system of early modern European culture, would explain why there was a fast spreading of the persecution of witches when they had been so widely accepted before. 

Through these insidious actions of the Church, witches were transformed from people with magical power that helped others and sometimes used magic to get things that they wanted, into people that were being used by the devil for his own purposes.  These ideas continued to develop into witches engaging in wild sexual orgies with the devil, flying through the night to sabbats which mocked mass, and stealing communion and unbaptised babies for use in their rituals.[8]  There were even claims that witches were forming world-wide organisations with the aim of overthrowing Christianity, which claim finalised the position of the witch in relation to the Church as a heretic.[9]  This seems to be what the Church’s goal was from the beginning; to establish a line of reasoning backed by the belief of the general population that would allow open persecution and hunting of witches.  The question however is why?

The first systematical witch-hunts began in the 1430s around Lake Geneva and the Dutchy of Savoy under the direction and supervision of the papal inquisitors and judges.[10]  These were some of the earliest trials with the new belief of witchcraft as a baseline.[11]  In 1484, Pope Innocent VIII had two German Dominicans, Henrich Kramer and Jacob Sprenger, begin hunting witches.  Kramer presided over the trials and executions of a number of groups of witches, all of whom were composed of women.  He espoused extreme views on the power of witches, and used torture on his subjects to get confessions, and as such was banished from the area by the local authorities.[12]  It was at this time that he wrote Malleus maleficarum (The Hammer of [Female] Witches), which was violently anti-feminine and even suggested that the Latin word femina (woman) was derived from the two words fe (faith) and minus (less), suggesting that women were faithless beings.[13]  This is a fundamental piece of information in understanding what was happening with the witch-hunts and the illegalisation of witchcraft at this time in early modern Europe.  It demonstrates the prejudice against women from the Church and men in general that was prevalent at this time, and appears to be a large contributing factor to the witch-hunts.   There were also conflicts arising between men and women over the slowly emerging male medical profession which was encroaching on the dominion of the female midwives and healers, as well as the prevailing belief that women were innately inferior to men and more easily influenced by the designs of Satan.[14]  These ideas helped the Church play on the fears of the public to achieve their goal of illegalising witchcraft.

During the Reformation around 1529, there were divisions called confessions being created across Europe.[15]  At this time, both political and religious leaders began to pass laws in the hopes that there would be a boost in order and morality.  It is then that witchcraft became officially illegal, and as pointed out by Anderson, “all European codes were erected on a basis of canon law, Roman law, and Germanic law – all unfavourable to woman”.[16]  Rulers north of the Alps began to agree with the Malleus and started passing statutes that authorised the death penalty for witches that caused harm through magic.  Examples of these civil laws were the criminal code of the Holy Roman Empire from 1523 and the English and Scottish witchcraft statutes of 1563.[17]  There was a brief reprieve on the witch-hunts during the Protestant Reformation while the Catholics were hunting and persecuting the Protestants and visa versa, but by 1570 the witch trials had begun again with renewed fervour.  The concept that witchcraft was demonic had firmly been ingrained in the culture of most of Europe by this time, and there were large scale witch-hunts and executions, almost all of which were women.  Interestingly, it was only in the more isolated and remote areas of Europe, such as Estonia, Iceland, Russia and Finland that did not adopt the idea of demonic witchcraft.  In these areas, the witch-hunts were very few, and at least half of the people prosecuted were male.[18] 

In conclusion, by drawing upon the facts and scholarly research examined in this essay it can be derived that witchcraft became illegal in early modern Europe due primarily to the Church fabricating ideas of demonic involvement in witchcraft.  This appears to have been done as a means of gaining even more power and authority than what was already enjoyed by the Church.  It was accomplished by imposing these fabricated views onto the public until the local rulers agreed that there must be some merit and fact to the claims of demonic involvement in witchcraft, and as such action needed to be taken.  This was the case in Illeraichen, where Count Hans von Rechberg was finally worn down enough by the demands to persecute witches for crop failure, that he imprisoned some women that were accused as suspect witches.[19]  Women were already viewed by the Church and by men in general as weaker and more likely to succumb to the devil, so they made the perfect target.[20]  As Anderson said, “…the fact that the witches persecuted in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were predominantly female… meant that accusations against witches were also, generally, accusations against women.”[21]  Thus, by using women and witchcraft negatively, the Church was able to affect popular and political change, create laws illegalising witches and witchcraft, and ultimately gain a more prominent place in the world for itself.


Bibliography

Anderson, A. & Gordon, R.  (1978).  ‘Witchcraft and the status of women – the case of England’.  British Journal of Sociology,  Vol. 29, No. 2. 

Behringer, W.  (1999).  ‘Climatic change and witch-hunting: The impact of the little ice age on mentalities.’  Climatic Change.  Vol 43, No. 1

Wiesner-Hanks, M.  (2011).  Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789.  University Press, Cambridge








[1] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, 1450-1789, p. 387
[2] Behringer, Climatic change and witch-hunting: The impact of the little ice age on mentalities, p. 336
[3] Behringer, Climatic change, p. 336
[4] Behringer, Climatic change, p. 336
[5] Anderson, Witchcraft and the status of women – the case of England, p. 171
[6] Anderson, Witchcraft, pp. 171
[7] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 387
[8] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 387
[9] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 387
[10] Behringer, Climatic change, p. 336
[11] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 387
[12] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, pp. 387-388
[13] Anderson, Witchcraft, pp. 173
[14] Anderson, Witchcraft, p.174
[15] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 151
[16] Anderson, Witchcraft, p. 174
[17] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 388
[18] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 388
[19] Behringer, Climatic change, p. 338
[20] Wiesner-Hanks, Early Modern Europe, p. 386-387
[21] Anderson, Witchcraft, pp. 171-172