Showing posts with label HST265: Art & Architecture Through Roman Eyes. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HST265: Art & Architecture Through Roman Eyes. Show all posts

Saturday, November 8, 2014

What Do Funerary Art & Architecture Reveal About Roman Social Issues?



The funerary art and architecture of the ancient Romans offers a remarkable amount of insight into the social classes and issues of their society.  From the way that the different sculptures and reliefs were made, the details that were put into them, to the depictions of both real-life people and mythological representations, there is a large array of information presented for the discerning scholar.  With just the first small cursory examination, it becomes apparent that the Romans highly valued the idea of preserving the memory of the deceased through the depictions of them on the various tombstones, altars, reliefs, and paintings.  A small portion of these aspects of Roman art will be looked at in respect to what they are conveying regarding Roman society in this essay.

As Clarke said, ‘We [in the western world] commemorate the dead in cemeteries or mausolea, cut off as much as possible from the business of daily life and its traffic.  Nothing could be farther from the Roman mentality, obsessed with prolonging a person’s memory in public: tombs are meant to be seen as often as possible and by as many people as possible.’[1]  This is a fantastic insight into the Roman funerary art and architecture, and opens the eyes to what the Romans were really about in designing and building these structures and works.  They wanted not only to remember the dead, but for everyone else to remember them and learn about them as well.  In the process of doing so, there is also information regarding the social standing and structure of the Romans passed along.

One example can be seen in the funerary relief of a vegetable vendor found in Ostia, Italy.[2]  This relief depicts a robust man in robes, peddling vegetables.  The stand shows bundles of what appear to be grains and bushels of vegetables and perhaps fruit.  There is a large square basket under the table, and a few other bundles and items of various descriptions on the table as well as next to the stand.  The relief itself is made out of painted terracotta, and has been dated to the second century AD.  This relief showcases what the man depicted most likely did for a living.  In this manner, he was ensuring that he was remembered after he was dead.  These types of terracotta reliefs were usually placed next to an inscription that identified the deceased and said a little about them.  There are other surviving terracottas like this one that depict a miller, tugboat operator, innkeeper, doctor, midwife, and smith.[3] 

It should be noted that the public display of the funerary art and architecture in the Roman culture honoured deserving citizens, and seems to have in some way conferred a status or social aspirations.[4]  Romans were very productive and driven people; this is how they managed to construct the great civilization that they did and build magnificent cities, some complete with plumbing and other ‘modern’ conveniences.  These aspirations, goals, and dreams of the people can be seen in their funerary practices as well.  A good example of funerary art that shows the belief and aspirations of someone that was unachieved is that of the statue memorialising Q Sulpicius Maximus, a child that died around eleven years old.
The monument of Q. Sulpicius Maximus is an example of a funeral alter that was used as a means of perhaps increasing ones station.  It appears that the parents of this child were freedmen, and as such were denied certain formal restrictions in Roman society.  However, it also appears that the restrictions of a freedman only lasted for the generation which was freed, and that the children of these freedmen were not bound by the same restrictions and instead able to move throughout society as they desired and were able.  Maximus’ alter depicts him as the child that he was, but adorned in an adults’ toga, symbolic of what he could have become.  This is derived from both the probable aspirations of the boys’ father as well as the reference to Maximus’ winning poetry in Greek.  This shows that he knew Latin and Greek, with Greek being the language of the cultivated Roman, and further evidence of station climbing.  Lastly, the monument was of such a style and quality that it could have passed for one from a Roman family of the upper orders.[5] 

With the custom of building the cemeteries, or communities of the dead, outside the city, people coming or going from a town would have to pass through and see all of the monuments to the dead that were constructed.  This ensured that both the dead were remembered, and the families that they belonged to were bolstered.  How were they raised up?  Well, the bigger and more impressive a tomb, the more that it cost, and by extrapolation, this meant that it was more valuable as a status object.  The tombs of Isola Sacra, outside Ostia, rivalled those of the Vatican.[6]  Further, the deceased was also commemorated on their birth- and death- days, and during the festivals of Parentalia and Lemuria, when family would visit the tomb and drink and feast, utilising the small kitchens that were sometimes built into them.[7] 

Lastly, not all funerary architecture was reserved for just the people of a family, but some for the pets as well.  The tombstone of Helena bears the inscription, ‘Helenae alumnae animae incomparabili ef benemerenti’.[8][9]  This appears to be a memorial for a much loved pet rather than a person.  This would indicate that the Romans felt very strongly about their pets, much like we do today, and honoured them as well with the same types of funeral monuments.  Clearly, this would have been a status symbol of a family, as it showed that they had enough money to make funerary art for their pets. 

Thus, Roman funerary art and architecture reveals a lot about the class structure and how the society viewed its dead.  Further, it also shows how the dead were used to try and change a families social standing.




Bibliography

Clarke, J.  (2003).  Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans.  Berkeley, p. 182

D’Ambra, E.  (1988).  ‘A Myth for a Smith: A Meleager Sarcophagus from a Tomb in Ostia’, in AJA, V. 92, No. 1, pp. 85-99.

D’Ambra, E.  (1998).  ‘The Social Order’, in Roman Art, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

Week 3 Tutorial Images, HST256: Art and Architecture Through Roman Eyes, Macquarie University via OUA, Study Period 4 2012.  http://ilearn.mq.edu.au/mod/glossary/view.php?id=1474818  - Accessed 16 Dec, 2012




[1] Clarke, Art in the Lives of Ordinary Romans, p. 182
[3] Myth for a Smith, p. 86
[4] The Social Order, p. 41
[5] Ibid, p. 44
[6] Myth for a Smith, p. 86
[7] Ibid
[8] Loosely translated to “To Helena, foster-child, well deserving and incomparable soul.”[8]  It can be translated that ANIMAE means animal, and that this is the grave of a pet.  This would also explain why the only image carved on the tombstone is a dog. 

In What Ways Does the Ara Pacis Reflect Augustus’ Vision of a Roman ‘Golden Age’?



To describe the Ara Pacis and the significance of what its art and architecture mean and represent, one must understand the position and mindset of Augustus.  Without this understanding, the Ara Pacis may appear to be nothing more than a nicely ornamented building with an intricate altar.  The deterioration of the Roman Republic and the military commanders repeatedly breaking with cultural norms in order to get personally wealthier forms an important backdrop to Augustus’ accession to power.  This resulted in, as Zanker expressed it, ‘Roman values… becoming no more than a meaningless ideology.’[1]   When the classically Roman-minded Augustus took power, he aimed to change the set of Roman culture back to a more ‘Golden Age’.  He achieved this through various ways and means, one of which is the art and architecture that he caused to be commissioned during his reign.  One such item for example was  the Ara Pacis.  The harkening back to a golden age of peace and plenty forms part of the reason that the Ara Pacis Augustae was commissioned.  As was the modis operandi at the time, it is a effective example of traditional Greek forms being used to create a distinctly new Roman character.[2]

A side effect of the change in the Roman culture during the Late Republic before Augustus came to power was a decline in birth rates and marriages in the upper class.  This is due to the laws that were enacted which incentivised marriage and the bearing children.[3]  The significance of these laws are portrayed on the Ara Pacis, which depicts many children, when contrasted with the art and architecture from the Late Republic era.  This was one of Augustus’ ways of communicating the message that children were valued and wanted in the new Roman culture that he was fostering, and hoping that the citizens would multiply and spread in his era of peace. 

The Tellus relief continues the theme of children and the propagndic media of the Ara Pacis.  It is an interesting conglomeration of images that seems to have perplexed and divided scholars on its interpretation for years.  On this particular freize, there is a mother figure surrounded by grains, harvest foods, cattle, and flowers.[4]  The symbols have caused difficulty in composing an appropriate and accurate identification due to the symbols more often being associated with various Greek and Roman goddesses, such as Tellus, Venus, Ceres, and Pax.[5]  On the lap of this mother figure are two infants.  In this author’s opinion, it is possible that these infants could represent Romulus and Remus, and the woman the Earth, nurturing Roman culture from the beginning, however there is insufficient evidence and detail to verify that deduction.  The items in this frieze pull together to promote the idea and message of a peaceful, prosperous, and plentiful period of a Roman Golden age.[6]  They do this by the above mentioned notions of mother Earth nurturing Romulus and Remus, the foundations of Rome, and by the wind gods that are depicted to the sides as well.  The wind gods signify the abundance and fertility of the Roman land.

However, even if the Tellus frieze doesn’t actually depict Romulus and Remus, there is a relief across the Ara Pacis from it that does.  In this relief, the god Mars looks over the two brothers as the she-wolf from the foundation myth nurses them.[7]  The depiction of Romulus and Remus in the foundation myth of Rome on the Ara Pacis was possibly chosen to be depicted by Augustus to demonstrate that he was intending to return to the roots of Roman society and culture.  It is possible that the story of Romulus and Remus and the founding of Rome would have conjured feelings of national pride and sentiment in the hearts and minds of the Romans who viewed this relief.  If so, this would have only served moreover the aims of Augustus in trying to rekindle the golden age of Rome and bring about peace and prosperity to his people.    

Augustus’ main goal and theme during his reign was the promotion of a peaceful and plentiful time through the resurrection of old Roman values and morals.[8]  To this end, when Augustus commissioned monuments, he had himself placed in peaceful scenes from both reality and myth, and this remains true in regard to the Ara Pacis in both form and function.  The original site of the Ara Pacis was at the edge of the Campus Martius (Field of Mars).  While there, the altar was positioned by Augustus and the Senate so that the person that was making the sacrifice had to turn their back to the field, and by association, the god whose field that was, namely Mars.[9]  Thus, the implication was that those who used the Ara Pacis would have to turn away from war and focus on peace.[10]

The Ara Pacis is a representation of the ideals that Augustus held in relation to turning Rome back to its original values in the effort of creating another Golden Age.  Thus Ara Pacis can be viewed as a piece of propaganda used by Augustus in helping to transform the Roman populace from the state that it was in at the end of the Late Republic to a more peaceful and receptive one.  The placement of himself in the peaceful and pleasant settings depicted mentioned above was also a way of communicating to the Romans that he was going to be a ruler of peace and plenty rather than one of war, which had been so common in recent times.  The inclusion of children in the Ara Pacis brought to the minds of the Romans a sense of family and of growth, which Augustus was trying to promote, and is also a sign of good and plentiful times and expansion.  All of this was done on a monument, built on the side of the Field of Mars, designed so as to have the patrons turn their backs to that said God of War and focus on the Altar of Peace.  Thus, the Ara Pacis is an ultimate symbol by Augustus of a peaceful Golden Age for Rome. 



Bibliography

Brunt, P.A., and Moore, J.M.  (1969).  Res Gestae Divi Augusti: The Achivements of the Divine Augustus, Oxford University Press, NY. 

Castriota, David.  (1995).  The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Imagery of Abundance in Later Greek and Early Roman Imperial Art, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.


Freibergs, G., Littleton, C.S., and Strutynski, U.  (1986).  ‘Indo-European Tripartition and the Ara Pacis Augustae: An Excursus in Ideological Archaeology’ in Numen, Vol. 33, Fasc. 1, pp. 3-32.

Zanker, Paul.  (1988).  The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, MI. 


Images


HST265 Week 8 Tutorial Images, Relief from the eastern façade – the panel of Tellus i, http://ilearn.mq.edu.au/mod/glossary/view.php?id=1474824&mode=&hook=ALL&sortkey=&sortorder=&fullsearch=0&page=2


[1] P. Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, (Ann Arbor, 1988), pg. 2.
[2] D. Castriota, The Ara Pacis Augustae and the Imagery of Abundance in Later Greek and Early Roman Imperial Art, (Princton, 1995),  pg. 4
[3] P. A. Brunt and J.M. Moore, Res Gestae Divi Augusti: The Achivements of the Divine Augustus, (Oxford, 1969), pg. 46-47
[4] HST265 Week 8 Tutorial Images, Relief from the eastern façade – the panel of Tellus i, http://ilearn.mq.edu.au/mod/glossary/view.php?id=1474824&mode=&hook=ALL&sortkey=&sortorder=&fullsearch=0&page=2
[5] Castriota, The Ara Pacis Augustae,  pg. 66
[6] Ibid, pg. 70
[10] G. Freibergs, ‘Indo-European Tripartition and the Ara Pacis Augustae: An Excursus in Ideological Archaeology’ in Numen, Vol. 33, Fasc. 1, pg. 7

The Change and Continuity of Roman Art and Architecture from Republican to Imperial Periods and the Reasons Why.



The English comedy group Monty Python did a movie in 1979 called The Life of Brian.  At one point in the movie, there is a meeting being held by some disgruntled Jews wanting to overthrow the Romans.  The leader of the group asks a rhetorical question, ‘what have the Romans ever done for us?’  To which is answered, in paraphrasing, the aqueduct, sanitation, roads, irrigation, medicine, education, health, wine, public baths, and order.  In exasperation, the leader says ‘all right, all right, but apart from better sanitation and medicine and education and irrigation and public health and roads and a freshwater system and baths and public order… what have the Romans done for us?!?’[1]  Through their own comedic mocking way, Monty Python touched on the large extent of the great achievements that Rome made throughout their history.  These achievements, as mentioned above, took on many shapes and impacted on many facets of Roman life.  The art and architecture of Roman society in particular was of considerable note and importance. 

The art and architecture of the Romans, as is the case with all societies, did not remain the same from the time of its inception in the Republic era to that of the Imperial period.  There were some changes to certain aspects of life in the Roman Empire, and that subsequently brought about changes in the things that the Romans produced and the way they saw themselves.  Granted, this doesn’t mean that all aspects of art and architecture were changed completely from these two time periods; there were some things that remained very similar throughout the years as well.  This essay will look at some aspects of the art and architecture of the Roman Empire, where and why it originated, and how it changed or remained the same throughout the years.  The funerary monuments, western Greek settlements in Italy, the comparison of Hellenistic Greek art to that of the Roman Republic, and late Roman portraiture will be looked at.

The Romans had a strong sense of familial honour and duty.  One way that this is evidenced is by their need to increase the fame and laudability of the familial name.  This fame could at times increase to the point that a person was regarded (or regarded themselves) as a demi-god.  On one epitaph is found an inscription comparing a member of the second squad from Tarsos by the name of Melanippos to Herakles (Hercules)[2].  Citing the myth of Hercules and the twelve labours that he had to endure and complete to gain admittance into the realm of the gods[3], Melanippos is reported to have done the same number, and was killed in doing a thirteenth.  This comparison of Melanippos to Hercules is drawing fame to Melanippos as well as his family and is also conveying the message that he was significant in life in that he completed similar tasks as those done by a legendary demi-god.
Pliny the Elder[4] talks about the value that was placed on the family as well.  Pliny describes the Roman house as having portraits and models of the ancestors’ faces on display as opposed to statues and other artwork by ‘foreign artists’.  These models were also used in funeral processions for other family members, so that a representation of the entire family would be in attendance.  Further to this, the library of the house was kept with records of al the official careers held by ancestral family members, as well as large genealogical charts hung on the walls.  All of the acts preclude to the Roman pagans as having a high regard of their own significance in life and death and ensuring that the appropriate honour and glory were marked. 

Another influencing aspect on the architecture of early Republican Rome was the close settlements of the Greeks.  The colonies of the western Greek world were founded by more than just the mainland Greeks.  This was alluded to by Dominguez when discussing Acragas and stating that it was of mixed foundation, or people from different countries.[5]  This could help in explaining why Mertens stated that the first colonists in the seventh and sixth centuries BC had no established tradition of building and craftsmanship.[6]  Further, in talking about the concepts of form, he states that only the general concepts from the colonists’ homelands were transplanted to the new country, thereby indicating that there were multiple origination sites for a singular new city in the west.  It would stand to reason that the growing population of the Mediterranean world in the seventh to the fifth centuries BC would begin to look for more room and new places to settle, so this line of thinking is sound and plausible.  Thus, the presence of multi-cultural people settling one area or city would create differences and concessions to how things were developed, made, and designed to that of a homogenous single country such as mainland Greece.

Selinus was founded on the southern coast and as such was the westernmost Greek city in Sicily.[7]  The colonial poleis of Sicily and Magna Graecia were very proud of where they had placed themselves as well as the elaborate planned urban arrangement that was a completely new thing in the ancient world.[8]  After Selinus was planned and completed, there was some type of large-scale destruction, which Di Vita speculates was an earthquake, which occurred and required the city to be redesigned and modified.  This was carried out around 560 and 460BC.  The majority of the work that was done was carried out in the sacred areas on the acropolis and the eastern hills.  This provides an excellent example of how the natural landscape was altered in order to accommodate what they western Greeks wanted to do.  The hill at this time was terraced by way of a 10 metre tall retaining wall that was backfilled with 25000 – 30000 cubic metres of sand and forming two levels.[9]  Clearly then, the natural land didn’t stop the western Greeks from build what and how they wanted!  This carried over into the Roman Empire and influenced the way that the Romans built their cities and monuments, which is one possible explanation as to why so many laypeople have a hard time telling the different cultures ruins apart. 

The new geographical and geological conditions naturally influenced the building techniques and methods since the materials available were different to that of the mainland.[10]  For example, Sicily is poorer when it comes to robust stone used in building and there is no marble anywhere.  This would naturally encourage a different technique of building and shaping the sacred structures.  One such different technique was found with the discovery of architectural terracottas used in the roof decoration that date from early 600BC to late 500BC.[11]  Terracotta wasn’t just used as a decorative bit of working on the roofs, however.  In Magna Graecia terracotta gained a place of particular importance in representative monumental buildings.[12]  In the sixth century BC terracotta became the most important decorative part of the system. 

It wasn’t just the architecture that Rome took its cues from Greece with.  The late art of the Roman republic is synonomous to the last stage of the Hellenistic art period of Greece. Most masterpieces of Roman art are Greek. Imitations were common at that time, due to the Roman admiration of Hellenistic artistry. Roman art greatly resembled Hellenistic art in both style and convention. As illustrated by the famous antique sculpture, Laocoön and His Sons. This group was discovered in Rome in 1506. It is believed to be an original carving of the second century B.C. and it was thought to have been based on an Hellenistic masterpiece depicting Laocoön and only one son. It was found in the remains of the palace of the emperor Titus. Other fragments of Hellenistic groupings were found in a grotto that served as a summer banquet hall of the emperor's seaside villa at Sperlonga.[13]

Most of our knowledge of Greek architecture comes from the few surviving buildings of the Classical, Hellenistic and Roman periods since Roman architecture heavily copied Greek.[14]  However, the Romans did use concrete and arches, whereas the Greeks focused more heavily on the columns, balance and symmetry in forms.  The aqueducts and plumbing that Rome had also outstripped the knowledge and innovation of the Greeks.  So, whilst Rome did copy the Greeks in a lot of respects to the architecture and building practices in the early days of the Republic, they were very much more advanced by the Imperial period. 

In comparison, The Romans learned sculpture and painting largely from the Etruscans and Greeks and helped to transmit Greek art to later ages. Roman art is the sculpture, pottery, painting, and other art produced in Ancient Rome in the middle of the Eighth Century BC until the decline of the Roman Empire by the Fifth Century AD. Ancient Roman art was heavily influenced by the art of the ancient Greece, and later by the art forms of countries within its empire, especially Ancient Egypt, or of civilizations which its empire bordered.[15]  The art of the first and second centuries AD pretty much continued the traditions of portraiture and Greek imitations. Roman artists added more use of art as propaganda to show what the emperors wanted people to know or to think. Some examples of this are the Arch of Titus and Trajan's Column.  Roman people were particularly interested in portraiture, such as making statues that really looked like one particular person.[16]

Rome it would seem, then, was a nation that owed much in the way of its architecture and art to the surrounding nations contemporary to it.  The Etruscans and the Greeks settled lands near Rome and shared and influenced the building practices and religious beliefs of the nation, and in turn gave rise to a great civilisation.  As the nation grew and aged, so too did it mature and grow in splendour.  When Augustus took power and began the Imperial period, he set about making many changes to Rome herself.  As Suetonius wrote:  “Urbem neque pro maiestate imperii ornatam et inundationibus incendiisque obnoxiam excoluit adeo, ut iure sit gloriatus marmoream se relinquere, quam latericiam accepisset.  Aware that the city was architecturally unworthy of her position as capital of the Roman Empire, besides being vunerable to fire and floods, Augustus so improved her appearance that he could justifiably boast: ‘I found Rome built of bricks; I leave her clothed in marble.’”[17] 





Bibliography

Cerchiai, L., Jannelli, L., & Longo, F.  (2004).  ‘The Gulf of Naples’ in The Greek Cities of Magna Graecia and Sicily.  Pp. 36 – 61. 

Cotterell, A., and Storm, R.  (2005)  The Ultimate Encyclopaedia of Mythology.  London.

Di Vita, A.  (1990).  ‘Town planning in the Greek colonies of Sicily from the time of their foundations to the Punic wars.’  in Greek Colonists and Native Populations: Proceedings of the First Australian Congress of Classical Archaeology Held in Honour of Emeritus Professor A. D. Trendall, Sydney, 9-14 July 1985, Descoeudres, Jean-Paul.  Pp. 343 – 363.

Dominguez, A.  (2006).  Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, Vol. 2.  Edited by Tsetskhladze, G., Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands, Pp. 253 – 357. 

Hanfmann, G. M. A. (1975).  The Problem of Roman Art. A Modern Survey of the Art of Imperial Rome. (Little, Brown and Company) New York. pp. 15-19, 24-26

Harding, M.  (2003).  "Graeco-Roman religion (extract)" in Early Christian Life and Thought in    Social Context: A Reader , pp. 175-191

Life of Brian.  (1979).  Jones, T.  Sony Pictures. 

Mertens, D.  (1990).  ‘Some principal features of West Greek colonial architecture.’ in Greek Colonists and Native Populations: Proceedings of the First Australian Congress of Classical Archaeology Held in Honour of Emeritus Professor A. D. Trendall, Sydney, 9-14 July 1985, Descoeudres, Jean-Paul.  Pp. 373 – 383. 

NewDocs – Book of Readings HST250 – Pagans, Jews, and Christians.  Macquarie University, Study Period 3, 2011. 

Suetonius.  (1995).  The Twelve Caesars. Trans. Graves, R.  Penguin Classics, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England.

Stockstad, M.  (2005).   Art History-Combined Volume. New Jersey: Pearson Education

Witcombe, C.  (2007).  ‘Art History Resources on the Web.’  http://www.witcombe.sbc.edu
 


[1] Monty Python Life of Brian, 1979
[2] NewDocs IV #1
[3] Cotterell & Storm (2005:50-51)
[4] Harding (2003:178)
[5] Dominguez,  Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, p. 280
[6] Mertens, ‘Some principal features of West Greek colonial architecture’, p. 374
[7] Dominguez,  Greek Colonisation: An Account of Greek Colonies and Other Settlements Overseas, p. 299
[8] Di Vita, ‘Town planning in the Greek colonies of Sicily from the time of their foundations to the Punic wars’,  p. 352
[9] Di Vita, ‘Town planning in the Greek colonies of Sicily from the time of their foundations to the Punic wars’, p. 355-356
[10] Mertens, ‘Some principal features of West Greek colonial architecture’, p. 374
[11] Cerchiai, ‘The Gulf of Naples’, p. 39
[12] Mertens, ‘Some principal features of West Greek colonial architecture’, p. 375
[13] Halfmann, G. Problem of Roman Art
[14] Stockstad, Art History, p. 700
[15] Stockstad.  Art History Combined Volume, p. 700
[16] Witcombe, Art History Resources on the web.
[17] Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars,