Showing posts with label HST225: Alexander the Great. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HST225: Alexander the Great. Show all posts

Saturday, November 8, 2014

The Question of Proskynesis



There are many varying accounts and interpretations, both historical and modern, as to the reasoning behind Alexander the Great trying to introduce the Persian method of proskynesis into his court.  Some argue that it was strictly a political maneuver; an attempt to bridge the gap between Macedonian, Persian, and Greek and establish common ground and practices, thus strengthening the empire under Alexander[1].  There are others that say that it was another example of Alexander’s self-obsession and an attempt at progressing his own deification[2]. 

Proskynesis (προσκύνησις) is a Greek word derived from the combining of the words πρός pros and κυνέω kuneo and means “to kiss towards”[3].   This act when performed by the Greeks and the Romans was one of worship reserved for the gods[4].  The Persians, however, used proskynesis as a way of honouring, not worshipping, their king[5], as has been the custom in the East from before Alexander until today.  This slight difference in usage and understanding of proskynesis could be part of the reason that Alexander was unsuccessful in implementing the act into his court among the Greeks and the Macedonians. 

According to one account[6] of Alexander attempting to introduce proskynesis, the topic was broached at a party by one of Alexander’s courtesans, Anaxarchus.  Anaxarchus was among a group of people loyal to Alexander who were privy to the information that Alexander was trying to introduce proskynesis and were going to try and help persuade the Greeks and the Macedonians to go along with this practice.  The recounting of this event by Arrian[7] explains that Anaxarchus began trying to convince the court of Alexander that offering him proskynesis was not only a good thing, but also that Alexander had a divine right to being honoured in this way.  Referring to the claim that Alexander was descended from Hercules, and that Hercules was only related to them[8] by Alexander anyway, Anaxarchus proffered that Alexander was more deserving of the honours of a god.  The issue of relationship to the people was also used to put Alexander’s claims at a more legitimate angle than that of Dionysus, as she was just a Theban[9]. 

Anaxarchus also continued his speech by illuminating the fact that once Alexander was dead, he would be honoured and regarded as a god[10].  Using this line of reasoning, Anaxarchus tried to explain that since Alexander would be recognised as a god and honoured as such when dead, that it would be perfectly justified to honour him and recognise him through proskynesis while he is alive and better able to enjoy and benefit from it[11].  It is at this point that Callisthenes interjects and begins a speech wherein he lauds Alexander and his conquests and accomplishments, but at the same time marks a delineation between the honours that are appropriate to give a god and those a living man[12].  

Callisthenes’ pointed speech is quite well received by the older Macedonians and Greeks in the court, as it reflects their own feelings on the matter of proskynesis[13].  While the elder Persians in the court continued to give Alexander proskynesis at this point, Alexander also realises that if he presses the matter on initiating the practice in his court, he could drive a wedge between himself and the Macedonians and Greeks.  It is then that Alexander decides to rescind his request that proskynesis be practiced in his court by those that are uncomfortable doing so, but allows the Persians and others that do not have an issue with it being offered to a man, offer it.  This could reflect that Alexander was not as interested in his own deification through instituting the act of proskynesis as he was in keeping his court, and subsequently his empire, in a semblance of harmony. 

There is also a second account of Alexander trying to instigate proskynesis in his court through a ‘set up’ by his close friends[14].  This account could be a retelling of the same event from another persons’ perspective, or of another instance where it was attempted to initiate proskynesis; however there is much debate on this topic and a clear answer is not agreed on by all historians.  What is agreed concerning this account is that it is more credible than the first account due to the source being Chares, the court chamberlain of Alexander[15].  In this account, there is another gathering of Alexander’s court, but the introduction of the proskynesis was through what appears to be a mixture of the Greek tradition of a toast and the Persian honouring of the king’s daimon[16].  Through the course of the dinner, Alexander offered a drink from his cup, to which the courtier would accept, then perform proskynesis, and then receive[17] a kiss from Alexander.  When it came time for Callisthenes to take part, Alexander was distracted talking to Hephaestion and did not notice that Callisthenes did not perform the proskynesis.  When this was brought to Alexander’s attention publicly, Alexander had to act, and refused the kiss with Callisthenes, whom then declared that he was going away only missing a kiss[18]. 

This account also seems to lend itself to the idea that Alexander was using proskynesis as a tool to try to unify the different people in his empire and not just as a tool for his own self-absorbed notions of deification.  The fact that Alexander was distracted during the ceremony and that he did not notice the lack of proskynesis from Callisthenes seem to indicate that he did not have a great deal of importance placed on the entire affair.  This can be interpreted to mean that proskynesis was just being used in the Persian fashion, as a way of paying a great respect and honour to the king, who is just a man, as opposed to the Greek and Macedonia understanding of proskynesis, which is reserved for the gods and the gods alone.  The successful implementation of the Persian form of proskynesis would have been able to be used by Alexander to give Greek, Macedonian, and Persian courtiers all common ground in his court, thus unifying them to a greater extent. 

















Bibliography

Austin, M. M.  (2006).  The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest 2nd Ed..  Cambridge University Press, New York.

Badian, E. (1981).  "The deification of Alexander the Great" in Ancient Macedonian Studies in Honor of Charles F. Edson , Dell, Harry J., pg. 27-71

Heckel, W. (1978).  "Leonnatos, Polyperchon and the introduction of 'Proskynesis'" American Journal of Philology, 99:4, pg. 459-461

Taylor, Lily Ross. (1927).  "The 'Proskynesis' and the Hellenistic ruler cult" Journal of Hellenic Studies, 47:  pg. 53-62







[1] Heckel, Leonnatos…, p. 459-461
[2] Badian, Ancient Macedonian Studies, p. 52
[3] Taylor, Proskynesis, p. 53
[4] Ibid
[5] Ibid
[6] Austin, Hellenistic World, p. 40
[7] Austin citing Arrian, Ibid
[8] The people of Greece and Macedonia
[9] Ibid
[10] Ibid
[11] Ibid
[12] Ibid
[13] Ibid
[14] Ibid
[15] Ibid
[16] Badian, Deification, p. 49-50
[17] Or give, it is unclear which party was to instigate the kiss
[18] Ibid

The Potter’s Oracle



The “Potter’s Oracle” illustrates the Egyptian’s strong xenophobic feelings of the second century BC throughout its text.  It is a document that is rife with allegory, alliteration, and imagery focusing on the downtrodden and destructive state of Egypt, and pointing the blame at the Typhonians[1].  It is through this viewpoint that the oracle brings out the themes of national resistance to foreign domination to the forefront.

In the oracle, there is a reference made to “the river will flow without enough water”[2].  It can be surmised that this river would be the Nile, the life-blood of Egypt without which the Egyptians would not be able to live.  It says that the land will be inflamed against nature because of the lack of water.  This could be understood as a prediction that the Nile will have a period of drought or that it’s annual flooding will not be as substantial as usual.  The Potter, however, links this event to the fact that the Typhonians[3] are in power and that their impurity is the cause of this disaster. 

The reference to girdlewearers in the Potters oracle was explained by O’Connell to be translated from the Greek word zonophoroi.  She said that this word has caused problems among scholars, but that it has been translated to refer specifically to Assyrians, Persians and Greeks.  This is due to the fact that the daggers worn in the girdle by people such as the Persians of this time were quite peculiar to the Egyptians as they did not have them.  Because of the invasions that were ongoing into Egypt by these countries at this time, eventually the term ‘girdlewearer’ became synonymous with Sethian and Typhonian for a xenophobic hatred of those that would try to posses Egypt, including the Greeks[4].

The social aspect of life in Egypt at this time is not pleasant either.  The Potter tells of how the farmers are not able to plant all of their crops, and that of the crops that do grow, they are either taxed or stolen due to the people of Egypt starving[5].  Further to the crop problems, the Potter goes on to say that there will be civil unrest causing brother to kill brother, husbands to kill wives, and that these will continue until Hephaistos returns to the city and the girdlewearers destroy themselves. 

When the oracle makes reference to Agathos Daimon abandoning the “city that is to be built” and entering Memphis, it states that this will be at the end of the evils during autumn[6].  The city that is to be built is Alexandria, a foreign capital and as such would stand for all things not of Egypt that a true Egyptian would find loathsome and undesirable in their xenophobic state.  Further, the religious icons and statues would have been transferred to Alexandria from the other capital centres, such as Memphis, when it was built.  This is done by invaders to symbolise the removal of power from that city and people and thus make the conquered feel as though they have lost their divine protection[7].  Usually these were the statues and objects that were used in some of the ritualistic acts of worshipping the patron god, and his image in the form of the statues represented his contact with his people. 

Alexandria is also to be brought back down to its original low state of a fishing village from that of the capital according to the line “the city by the sea will become a drying place for fishermen because Agathos Daimon and Knephis will have gone to Memphis”[8].  According to an explanation by O’Connell, Alexandria was founded on the fishing village of Rhacotis and the statement that Alexandria will go back to being just the fishing village is symbolic of it loosing its importance[9].  This is significant in that Alexandria was a capital founded by foreigners, and it losing its importance would be seen as Egypt gaining control of itself again with the old capital of Memphis.  Further, Agathos Daimon was the patron spirit of Alexandria from the time that Alexander himself was examining the future city site.  At this time, a great snake came and was killed.  This snake evidently impressed Alexander enough that he set up a hero shrine to it in Alexandria and named it Agathos Daimon, and there were many small harmless snakes that were kept by the local people in honour of this great snake[10].  Thus, the statement in the oracle that Agathos Daimon would leave Alexandria and go to Memphis is symbolic of the people of Egypt taking the god of the foreigners back to their capital, just as the Typhonians had take the Egyptian gods to Alexandria as was previously stated. 

There can be seen some similarities between the writing of the “Potter’s Oracle” and the events of the Maccabean revolt.  The Maccabeans were opposed to the Roman rule over Jerusalem and revolted in kind.  Eventually, they were able to retake the temple and forced Antiochus to rescind the religious reforms that he had placed on non-Hellenistic religions.  Both the Maccabean people and the Egyptians were not happy to be ruled over by foreigners, and it might be surmised that just as the Maccabeans revolted, the Egyptians used the “Potter’s Oracle” as a propaganda against the Typhonians rule, hoping that it would lead to Egypt reclaiming itself from the girdlewearers. 


Bibliography

Kerkeslager, A.  (1998).  The Apology of the Potter: A Translation of the Potter’s Oracle.  ‘Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology’, p. 67-79

O’Connell, B.  (1983).  The Potter’s Oracle.  ‘Ancient Society Resources for Teachers’, 13:5, p. 151-160.

Rainer Papyrus, Potter’s Oracle.  HST225 Alexander and the Hellenistic Age Lecture notes, Lecture 23, Macquarie University






[1] Rainer Papyrus, Lecture 23 notes
[2] Ibid
[3] Typhonians is a reference to the foreign rules of Egypt, possibly the Greeks as stated by Kerkeslager, p. 68
[4] O’Connell Potter’s Oracle, p. 155
[5] Rainer Papyrus, Lecture 23 notes
[6] Ibid
[7] O’Connell Potter’s Oracle, p. 156
[8] Rainer Papyrus, Lecture 23 notes
[9] O’Connell Potter’s Oracle, p. 156
[10] Lecture 23 notes citing Pseudo-Callisthenes 32.10-13

The Use of the Sarissa by the Macedonian Army



There has been much research conducted on the weapons and military tactics employed in antiquity by the Macedonians.  This research can show how effective the sarissa as used by the Macedonians was, as well as how important it might have been to their military superiority.  There have been two weapons used by the Macedonians known by the word sarissa; the cavalry sarissa, or lance, and the infantry sarissa, or pike[1].  This essay shall focus primarily on the sarissa used by the foot soldiers, therefore the pike, and any reference to the sarissa carried by the cavalry shall be for comparison purposes.

King Philip of Macedonia attained power in 359BC[2].  As soon as he took power, Philip began to reorganise and redevelop the army with many changes and upgrades to military tactics.  One of these upgrades that Philip made was the invention of the sarissa for both the cavalry and the infantry.  “The development of the sarissa was such that it surpassed any other weapons technology in the ancient world and was one of the few examples in antiquity of a deliberate intentional change of weapons by a known agent to achieve an advantage in combat; an early example of research and development.”[3]

The creation of the sarissa and the further development of the Macedonian phalanx are also discussed by Hammond.  The sarissa was invented by Philip II when he became king of Macedonia[4].  Hammond sited three different sources from the Roman Empire that talked about the training and improvements of the Macedonian infantry by Philip.  The first source that Hammond uses is Diodorus, who states “…Philip…convene[d] them in assembly after assembly… altering for the better the military units and equipping the men appropriately with weapons of war he held continuous manoeuvres under arms and training exercise under combat conditions.  Indeed he invented the close order and the equipment of the phalanx in imitation of the shield-to-shield order of the heroes at Troy, and he first put together the Macedonian phalanx.”[5]

These passages that Hammond cites gives a timeline of the months between the death of Perdiccas III in 359BC and Philip’s battle against Bardylis in 358BC for when Philip put together the first Macedonian phalanx[6].  Military training and manoeuvres before the Hellenistic period are not documented very well and are quite rare.  Due to this, Hammond surmises that all three of his sources regarding Philip’s invention of the Macedonian phalanx and the training of the pikemen, along with the invention of the sarissa would have come from a common source which was most likely a contemporary of Philip’s, and documented these activities at a time prior to Alexander’s achievements which diverted attention away from Philip[7].  


According to Hammond, the sarissa was a highly specialised weapon, designed for fighting in the phalanx which is a linear military formation approximately eight or more men deep.  This weapon was not a common weapon and as such was unsuitable for skirmishing, ambushing, street fighting, etc[8].  The sarissa used by the infantry (phalanx) was a long shaft of wood with tips of iron on either end.  The weaponhead of the sarissa was a sharp iron blade.  Above the blade curving back up the shaft was a foreshaftgaurd of iron to protect the shaft from being broken off by attack.  The front of the sarissa was balanced by another spiked iron piece at the other end of the sarissa, called a buttspike[9].  The buttspike (also called a secoma) could be planted in the ground to brace against charging horses.  This buttspike also made the sarissa more balanced and easier to handle. 

Cornel wood was used to make the shaft of the sarissa, as it had been used in spears and javelins from around 700BC, due largely to its hardness, straightness and elasticity properties[10].  According to the research of archaeological evidence done by Manti, the dimensions of the infantry sarissa are as follows[11]:

  • Four-sided tapering buttspike – 18 inches long, 7 inch long socket, 1 11/32 inches diameter socket, and a weight of 2.3 pounds.
  • Pointed weaponhead with flared double edged blade – 20 3/16 inches long, 9 inch socket, 1 14/32 inches diameter socket, and a weight of 2.7 pounds.
  • Tubular forshaftgaurd – 61 2/16 inches long, 13/32 to 1 10/32 inches socket, and the weight was not given.

Around 300BC the length of the sarissa is stated to be sixteen paces, and issued to the infantry at sixteen cubits, but in general use showed up at fourteen cubits[12].  Manti makes note that Arrian wrote cubit as his unit of measure in one instance, he feels that Arrian’s use of poda to be the more appropriate and significant.  Manti goes on to say that poda is usually translated into English as foot, but believes that pace is more correct as it is actually the designation for the measured step taken by a human being, particularly that of the field-march step of the phalangite, or infantry[13].  The Macedonian cubit is 13.5 inches whereas the Attic cubit is 18 inches[14].  This is important as some scholars tend to use different cubits to measure the sarissa, and this results in differing information.  For the sake of this paper, it will be assumed that Manti is correct in using the Macedonian cubit of 13.5 inches.  Drawing from the literary evidence he examined, Manti concludes that the infantry sarissa is longer than the cavalry sarissa and the hoplite spear.  It is made in a variety of lengths; ten, twelve, and sixteen cubits, as well as sixteen paces.  However, in use in the field it appeared at fourteen cubits[15].

The sarissa became an icon of power and authority in Macedon and Greece by the time of Alexander.  In the Alexander mosaic in Naples, Alexander can be seen wielding a sarissa.  However, even though mounted cavalry did have sarissas, the one depicted is an infantry sarissa.  As it is very improbable that Alexander wielded the long infantry sarissa on horseback, and would be impractical to have it for any reason, Manti concludes that this mosaic is a political manoeuvre much like the Boscoreale mural[16].  Further, Manti goes on to say in his footnotes on this subject that this sarissa underlines the legitimacy of the Macedonian king as the king of Macedon since it is pictured in the context of Darius fleeing the field of battle, and thus makes Alexander also the King of Kings of all Persia and all of its empires by fact of royal conquest. 

Continuing to use the pictorial evidence, it can be seen that the sarissa fits the description of the sarissa used by the phalanx due to it having a pointed buttspike, and a tubular foreshaftgaurd near the weaponhead.  Also visible is a type of cord that is wrapped tightly around the shaft near the aft end which will allow a pikeman to have the appropriate measured spacing for his hands as well as make a solid grip, as over time with use the shaft of the sarissa would become too smooth and slippery to hold tightly[17].  Also, had this been a cavalry lance, the cording would have been replaced with a leather sling-type strap to assist with holding while on horseback.

There was flexibility in the phalanx to adjust the formations from the standard eight men deep stance.  The Macedonians could compact and up to double the depth of men to sixteen.  While in open formation, there was a four cubit spacing allowed for each man[18].  This formation was used for speed, both in attacking and in covering ground during marching.  Also, it was used as a defence against enemy chariots and wagons.  The close order was used for maneuvering on the battlefields and movements against a large front.  The Macedonians also used it when facing less disciplined and organised troops.  The compacted order, (also called locked shield) was for closing with an enemy that was equal to the pikemen in discipline.  It was also used if hitting power from mass was more important than the size of the military front, or when receiving a charge from infantry or cavalry[19].  Men only took up one cubit in this formation. 

The Macedonian phalanx when equipped with sarissas was usually eight men deep.  This allowed approximately five weaponheads to be projected forward of the first rank of men.  This required very disciplined depth spacing on the part of the pikemen.  With the structure of the fourteen cubit sarissa, four cubits were used by the distance between the pikeman’s hands and the buttspike for balancing.  This means that there were ten cubits protruding to the front of the pikeman, resulting in four ranks of pikes extending in front of the first rank of pikemen, staggered at two cubit intervals.  This spacing allowed the sarissas to overlap and offer protection from attacking enemies to each other[20].  For example, the front rank’s sarissa would be protected by the blade and foreshaftgaurd of that of the second rank’s sarissas, with the third rank’s blade protruding to the point of the second’s foreshaftgaurd, and so on continuing back.  This meant that any swordman that tried to cut the head off the sarissa would have to reach in a distance of up to two cubits to get to the wooden shaft, but would not be able to cut it off as it is protected by the sarissa behind it.  This made the sarissa invulnerable to frontal assault from swordmen[21].  As Manti stated, “The Romans, each facing ten to twelve pikes, were in this respect at a grave disadvantage with their short swords and training not to cut but to thrust”[22].

When Philip II improved the Macedonian infantry with the invention of the sarissa, he also changed the way that they marched to increase their range and speed, as Greek armies did not march very far overland.  Philip had each pikeman carry enough flour for thirty days and trained them to march 35 miles a day carrying their supplies[23].  This made Philip’s infantry have a speed and range that outdid everyone else in his time.

When Alexander campaigned on the Balkans in 335BC, a clear demonstration of the effect that the sarissa and the pikemen that wielded it had on peoples was seen.  The phalanx used the sarissa to clear a way through high-standing corn near the Danube.  “When Getae saw the phalanx, they were terrified… for the close order of the phalanx was frightening”[24].  A few months later, Alexander was moving against the Illyrians.  They also fled the battlefield from fear when Alexander put on a display of his phalanx changing formations while in movement[25]

The sarissa was not without its limitations and weaknesses, however.  Markle points out some of these in his research, beginning with the fact that the men from the second rank back were trapped in formation on either side by the butts of the sarissas from the pikemen in front of them[26].  Also, the first rank back to the second last rank were likewise trapped by the forward sections of the sarissas of the men behind them.  He continues to state that in a mass such as this, in forward motion everyone would be pressing upon each other, and this would result in an interweaving mix of sarissas and men that render flanking maneuvers, turning, and strategic retreats impossible[27].   Further to this, Markle continues to say that the phalanx was only able to be deployed on level, unbroken ground.  He supports this claim by quoting Polybius ““…the phalanz has only…one kind of place in which it can achieve its purpose… It requires level and smooth plains which have no obstales such as ditches, clefts, ravines running together, ridges, flowing rivers; for all of the aforementioned are sufficient to impede and break up such a formation.”[28] 

There were three ways that Markle stated to counter the sarissa phalanx.  The first was by the enemy getting past all of the sarissas protruding infront of the phalanx formation, grabbing hold of the sarissa, driving it into the ground weaponhead first in order to have it become stuck, and then killing the pikeman.  This was very unlikely to happen due to how well structured the Macedonian phalanx was.  The second way was by attacking the phalanx in the flank or from the rear.  Markle states that the length of the sarissas made it impossible for the pikemen to turn and face the attackers.  The last way was to try and lure the phalanx onto unfavourable ground so as to cause a gap to open up in the front line so that the pikemen could then be routed.[29]  [30]

Yet another way to counter the sarissa was with specialty units.  Manti mentions that there were swordmen called landsknecht doppelsoldner that had been specially trained and equipped with longer swords to reach past the pikehead and foreshaftgaurd in order to sever the shaft of the pike, and received increased pay to compensate for the extra danger[31].  Also, Hammond mentions that Onomarchus defeated Philip’s phalanx by luring him into a trap where Onomarchus had hid his catapults behind a crescent shaped hill[32].  When Onomarchus feigned retreat, the Macedonians followed and when they were in-between the catapults on either side of the hill, the catapults opened fire and “confounded the Macedonian phalanx.”[33]







Bibliography


Hammond, N. G. L. 1980.  "Training in the use of a sarissa and its effect in battle, 359-333 B. C." Antichthon , 14: pg. 53-63

Manti, Peter.  1992.  "The sarissa of the Macedonian infantry" Ancient World, 23:2, pg. 31-42

Markle III, Minor M.  1977.  "The Macedonian sarissa, spear and related armor" American Journal of Archaeology: The Journal of the Archaeological Institute of America, 81:3, pg. 323-339

Mixter, J. R.  1992.  "The length of the Macedonian sarissa during the reigns of Philip II and Alexander the Great" Ancient World, 23:2, pg. 21-29









[1] Manti  p32
[2] Mixter  p21
[3] Ibid
[4] Hammond  p54
[5] Ibid  p55
[6] Ibid  p56
[7] Ibid
[8] Hammond  p53
[9] Manti  p31
[10] Ibid  p32
[11] Ibid  p36
[12] Ibid  p31
[13] Ibid
[14] Ibid  p39
[15] Ibid  p32
[16] Ibid  p34
[17] Ibid  p36
[18] Ibid  p37
[19] Ibid
[20] Ibid  p38
[21] Ibid  p39
[22] Ibid
[23] Hammond  p57
[24] Ibid  p59
[25] Ibid
[26] Markle  p332
[27] Ibid
[28] Ibid
[29] Ibid  p333
[30] In his paper The Macedonian Sarissa, Again, Manti discredits the majority of Markle’s work stating that he (Markle) contradicts himself on most things and that he got the measurements for the sarissa wrong, thus making his sample that he had made for him too long, and thus throwing off all his research into how the sarissa was used and how effective it was, and that had Markle used the proper cubit, he would have seen that it was much more nimble and useable than the sample he had created. 
[31] Manti  p39
[32] Hammond  p60
[33] Ibid